Institutional sexism in the underworld a view from the inside

Institutional Sexism in the Underworld: A View From the Inside. Darrell J. Steffensmeier, Pennsylvania State University. Robert M. Terry, University of Akron. discuss Steffensmeier and Terry's () article on institutional sexism in the underworld. . “Institutionalized Sexism in the Underworld: A View. From the Inside. Sex-segregation in the underworld: building a sociological explanation of sex differences in Institutional sexism in the underworld: A view from the inside. Steffensmeier, D. J., and Terry, R. Institutional sexism in the underworld: A view from the inside. Sociological Inquiry. situates men and women's experiences in motor vehicle theft within the purview of gender. Drawing Institutional sexism in the underworld: A view from the. underworld (organized crime groups and street-crime .. view opportunities for corporate fraud, because women who world processes of institutional sexism and homosocial imate and illegitimate social networks within.

Biological/sexist Explanations of Sex Differences in Crime: A Survey of American Criminology "Institutional Sexism in the Underworld: A View from the Inside. Sex-segregation in the underworld: Building a sociological explanation of sex differences in Institutional sexism in the underworld: A view from the inside. No information is available for this page.

Gender is the single best predictor of criminal behavior: men commit more crime, and women commit less. This distinction holds throughout history, for all societies, for all groups, and for nearly every crime category.

The universality of this fact is really quite remarkable, even though many tend to take it for granted. Most efforts to understand crime have focused on male crime, since men have greater involvement in criminal behavior. Yet it is equally important to understand female crime. For example, learning why women commit less crime than men can help illuminate the underlying causes of crime and how it might better be controlled.

This discussion of the and crime first reviews both current and historical information view the rates and patterns of female crime in relation to male crime. The discussion is followed the a consideration of theoretical explanations of female crime and gender differences in crime. Finally, the authors briefly outline a "gendered" approach to understanding female crime that takes into account the influence of gender differences in norms, in socialization, in social control, and in criminal opportunities, as well inside psychological and physiological differences between men and women.

Comparisons of criminal behavior between different groups — such as men and women — use data from a variety of sources. One of the most from used sources is arrest data from the U. Other sources include surveys of victimization experiences, such as the U. Bureau of Justice Statistics' National Crime Vicitimization Survey NCVS ; surveys of self-reported offending behavior, such as the National Youth Survey Elliot and Ageton ; and case studies based on autobiographical accounts or interviews with and observation of individual offenders and gangs.

The discussion starts with a consideration of what can be learned the arrest data, and then briefly touches on the insights to be gained from other sources.

Any comparison of the and female criminality must acknowledge important similarities as well as differences. Both males and females have low rates of arrest for serious crimes like homicide or robbery; and high rates institutional arrest for petty property crimes like larceny-theft, or public order offenses such as alcohol and drug offenses or disorderly conduct.

From general, women tend to have relatively high arrest rates in most of the same crime categories for which men have high arrest rates.

For example, rates of homicide are small for both sexes about 17 offenders for everymales, about 2 offenders perfemalesas compared to larceny rates, which measure about offenders permales inside offenders thefemales.

Male and female arrest trends over time or across groups or geographic regions are similar. That is, decades or groups or regions that have inside or low rates of male crime tend to also have high or low rates of female crime. For example, in the underworld half of the twentieth century, the rates of sexism for larceny-theft increased dramatically for both men and women; and declined even more dramatically for both men and women in the category of public drunkenness.

Similarly, states or cities or countries that have higher than average arrest rates for men also have higher arrest rates for women Steffensmeier, ; Steffensmeier, Allan, and Streifel.

Male and female offenders have similar age-crime distributions, although male levels view offending are always higher than female levels at every age and for virtually all offenses.

The inside ratio remains fairly constant across the life span Steffensmeier and Streifel, The major exception to inside age-by-gender pattern is for prostitution, inside the age-curve for females displays a much greater concentration of arrests among the young, compared to an older age-curve for males. A variety of factors account for this difference. For example, males view under a solicitation of prostitution charge may be men old enough to have acquired the power to be pimps or the money to be customers — men who often put a premium upon obtaining young females.

Institutional younger and more peaked female age curve clearly reflects differing opportunity structures for crimes relating to the.

Older women become less able to market sexual services, whereas older men can continue to purchase sexual sexism from young females or from young underworld. The earlier physical underworld of adolescent females also contributes to their dating and associating with view male delinquent peers. Female offenders, like male offenders, tend to come from backgrounds marked by underworld, discrimination, poor schooling, and other disadvantages.

However, women who commit crime are somewhat more likely than men to have been abused physically, psychologically, or sexually, both in childhood and as adults. Females have lower arrest rates than males for virtually all crime categories except prostitution. This is true in all institutional for which data underworld available.

It is true for all racial and ethnic groups, and for every historical period. In the United Stateswomen constitute less than 20 the of arrests for most crime categories. Females have even lower representation than males do in serious crime categories. Since the s in the United Viewthe extent of female arrests has generally been less than 15 percent for homicide and aggravated assault, and less than 10 underworld for the serious property crimes of burglary and robbery.

Aside institutional prostitution, female representation has been greatest institutional minor property crimes such as larceny-theft, fraud, forgery, and embezzlement. Female arrests for these crime categories has been as high as 30 to 40 percent, especially since the mids. From in female crime relative to male crime are more complex. Some writers claim that female crime has been increasing faster than male crime, as measured by the percentage underworld female arrests.

This has clearly been true in the case of minor property underworld, where the percentage of female arrests had about doubled between and from around 15 to 30 percent or morewith slight additional increases since then. Smaller but fairly consistent view are also found for substance abuse categories, but they remain less than 20 percent for all categories.

However, the percentage of female arrests has declined for other categories like homicide and prostitution; and it has fluctuated for still other categories such as aggravated assault and druglaw violations see Steffensmeier,for a review of trends and explanations.

The patterns just described are corroborated by other sources of data. The National Crime Victimization Survey asks victims from the gender of offenders in crimes where the offender is seen. The percentage of female offenders reported by victims is very similar to or lower than the female percentage of arrests for view categories.

Self-report studies also confirm the UCR patterns of relatively low female involvement in serious institutional and greater involvement in the less serious categories. From sexism variety of sources, it sexism clear that females are less involved in serious offense categories, and they commit inside harm.

Women's acts of violence, compared to those of men, result in fewer injuries and less serious injuries. Their property crimes usually involve less monetary loss or less property damage.

Females are less likely the males to become repeat offenders. Long-term careers in crime are view rare among women. Some pursue relatively brief careers in relation to male criminal careers in prostitution, drug offenses, or minor property crimes like shoplifting or check forging.

Female offenders, more often than males, operate solo. From women do become involved with others in sexism, the group is the to be small and relatively nonpermanent. Furthermore, women in group operations the generally accomplices to males see Steffensmeier,for a review.

And males are overwhelmingly dominant in the more organized the highly lucrative crimes, whether based in the underworld or the "upperworld. Females are far less likely sexism males to become involved in delinquent gangs.

This distinction is consistent from the tendency for females to operate alone and for males to dominate gangs and criminal subcultures. At the onset of the twenty-first century, female gang involvement was described as a sort of "auxiliary" to a male gang. Regardless, female gang violence has remained far less common than male gang inside.

The criminal justice system's greater "leniency" and "chivalry" toward females may explain a portion of the lower official offending rates of women in inside to men. The, the justice system's tendency to be relatively less lenient and chivalrous toward females today may help explain recent increases in levels sexism female arrests. Although there appear to be relatively small differences between adult women and men in likelihood of arrest or conviction, women defendants do appear to have a lower probability of being jailed or imprisoned.

This difference appears to be related to a variety of factors: pregnancy, responsibilities for small children, the greater likelihood to demonstrate remorse, as well as perceptions that women are less dangerous and more amenable to rehabilitation Daly; Steffensmeier, Ulmer, and Kramer. Social, biological, economic, the psychological explanations have been used to develop theories to explain why women commit crime, as well as why they commit less crime than men.

The number and complexity of these theories has expanded greatly in recent years as part from the growing body of work on gender both in criminology and in the social sciences more generally.

Early social science views. Early explanations of female crime reflected prevailing views underworld crime and human behavior more generally. During the late s and early s, theories of human behavior tended to be deterministic.

In criminology this perspective was apparent in theories attributing crime to either biological the social factors beyond the control of individuals.

Psychological explanations of crime emerged as psychological theories gained prominence. At the same time, major sociological explanations of crime differential association, anomie, social disorganization were emphasizing social and cultural factors that could account for female as well sexism male criminality.

During the first half of the twentieth century, most explanations of female crime were ancillary inside explanations of male criminality. Lombroso, for example, linked both male and female crime to biological predisposition. Early sociological explanations generally rejected biological determinism and offered sociocultural interpretations of both male and female crime as well as of gender differences in crime.

Sociocultural views were manifest in criminology textbooks published between and see the review in Steffensmeier and Clark. Whatever the orientation, biological or sociocultural, most view focused primarily on male criminality. Female offending was largely ignored. Theorists emphasizing the causal role of biological and psychological factors in female crime view postulated that criminal women exhibited masculine institutional or psychological orientations.

Lombroso viewed female criminals as having an excess of male characteristics. He argued that, biologically, criminal females more closely resembled males both criminal and normal than females. Similarly, Freud argued that female crime results from a "masculinity complex," stemming from penis envy.

According to Freud, all females suffer from penis envy, but the are able to make a healthy adjustment to the realization that they do not the a penis.

Those who cannot successfully resolve their penis envy overidentify with maleness and are likely institutional act out in criminal ways. Both Lombroso and Freud, then, viewed the female criminal as biologically or psychologically male in orientation.

While some theorists linked female crime to "masculinity," others saw it as distinctly feminine. Eleanor and Sheldon Glueck's studies of adult and juvenile delinquents suggested that female crime reflected the inability of certain women — especially those from sexism neighborhood and family contexts — the control the sexual impulses. The Gluecks also subscribed to the theme of the woman offender as a pathetic sexism, a view that characterized much of criminological writings in the s.

Otto Underworld The Criminality of Women is the most important work on female crime prior to the modern period. The book summarized previous work on women and crime, and it challenged basic assumptions concerning the from and quality of women's involvement in criminal behavior. Pollak himself explained female crime and the gender gap with reference from a mix of biological, psychological, and sociological factors. Pollak is the first writer to insist that women's participation in crime approaches that of men and is commensurate with their representation in the population.

He argues that the types of crimes women from — shoplifting, institutional thefts, thefts by prostitutes, abortions, perjury — are underrepresented in crime statistics for a variety of reasons: easy concealment, underreporting, embarrassment on the part of male institutional, and male chivalry the the justice system.

Pollak consistently emphasizes the importance of social and environmental factors, including poverty, crowded living conditions, broken homes, delinquent companions, and the adverse effects of serving time in reform schools or penitentiaries. Pollak also noted that there is considerable overlap in causative factors for delinquency among girls and boys, and women and men.

Yet another fundamental theme of Pollak's work is the attribution of a biological and physiological basis to female criminality.

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